As the years passed and the high tension of Jacobean tra-
gedy relaxed into the comedies of Ben Jonson and his
contemporaries, the evil Machiavel became a pathetic fail-
ure whose complacently wicked designs inevitably and
reassuringly led to his making a fool of himself. Fading out
of British drama in the mid-seventeenth century, this stock
figure is still resurrected from time to time, most recently
and hilariously in Rowan Atkinson’s Blackadder, a charac-
ter who adds a visceral cowardice to the already long list
of Machiavel’s vices.
To a great extent, no doubt, it was this identification of
Machiavelli’s name with everything that was evil which
kept The Prince in print and guaranteed that, despite the
papal ban, it would be widely read. But there was more.
As medieval Christianity and scholasticism sank into the
past and science and reason made their slow, often unwel-
come advances, as Europe got used to religious schism and
competing versions of the truth, the overriding question
for any modern ruler inevitably became: how can I con-
vince people that I have a legitimate, reasonable right to
hold power and to govern? In England Charles Stuart
would insist on the notion that kings had a divine right,
this at a time when so many English monarchs had seized
their crowns by force and cunning. Curiously enough,
Charles’s great antagonist Cromwell felt that he too had
a direct line to God and legitimacy, but through belief
and piety rather than family and inheritance. Officially a
parliamentarian, Cromwell frequently governed without