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THE PRINCE

Niccolò Machiavelli/Tim Parks

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xvii Introduction minister, should be elected for life, the Florentines gave the job to Piero Soderini, an honourable man but chronically incapable of making any kind of bold decision. Machia- velli’s diplomatic career was thus mostly taken up in attempts to persuade surrounding and threatening states to leave Florence alone and not to expect financial or mili- tary help from her for their wars elsewhere; that is, as far as there was a discernible, ­long-­term policy it was one of prevarication. Far from home, Machiavelli would fre- quently receive contradictory orders after he had already started negotiating. Arriving in foreign towns, he would find that his expense allowance wasn’t sufficient to pay couriers to take his messages back to Florence. Sometimes he could barely afford to feed and clothe himself. Such was the contempt of the more powerful monarchs that he was often obliged to wait days or even weeks before being granted an audience. It is in the light of these frustrations that we have to understand Machiavelli’s growing obsession, very much in evidence in The Prince, with the formation of a citizen army. Florence was weak partly because of its size but mostly because it had no military forces of its own. It relied on mercenary armies which were notorious for evaporating when things got tough, before the gates of Pisa for example. A p­ ower-­base built on an efficient and patriotic civilian army would give a diplomat like Machiavelli a little more clout and respect when he negotiated. Or so he hoped. In June of 1502, four years into the job, Machiavelli met xviii
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